1. 1.    Background

The social biasness with women with its reflection in the state affairs has been experienced since long worldwide. Thoughts and movements for its correction in the Indian sub-continent might be termed as 'Indian Feminism'. So, it is specifically feminism in South Asia. In this movement, the state of womankind is generally discussed since Vedic Era till date. Vertically, Nepal has also experienced the same. But its geo-political background is more specific, so, it has always been bias with almost half of its populace termed as Madheshis. No doubt, feminism in Nepal now reflects the state-sponsored genocide.

Process of constitution building has been in efforts in Nepal since 2008. Peculiarly, the second election of the Constituent Assembly has also been performed recently. But the way it is pacing forward, Madheshis are ascertained to experience genocide in terms of new exclusion and marginalization for Madheshi women on behalf of the so-called feminist movement in the Republic. If such communally bias constitution building process takes shape, Madheshi women and their new-borns have to suffer statelessness in the Republic. This paper focuses such specific problems in feminism in the Nepalese context.

1. 2.    State Hegemony in Nepal

Throughout the world, the human society has experienced matriarchy in its primitive history. Nepal cannot be exception. Pushpa Lal and few others have tried to shed light on this part. But according to the feudal state-sponsored historians, the ancient period of the Nepalese history begins with the kings of Gopal (cow-herders) and Mahishpal or Abhir (buffalo-herders) dynasty feudal rulers. Likewise, Kiranti, Som and Lichchhavi dynasty feudal rulers come in the first phase and the Mallas in the second and last phase of the medieval period of the Nepalese history. Nepal is itself used for the only present day Kathmandu valley and surroundings during this period. A comprehensive history of all the other feudal states of that time is still very little known.

Moreover, there has been existence of some kingdoms of Aryans as well as Tibetan or Mongolian tribes in other parts of Nepal both in hills and mountains and in Terai those days. Khasan, Magarat, Tamuwan, Tamsaling, Kirant and Limbuwan in hills and mountains as well as Koch, Birat, Mithila, Bhojpur and Awadh kingdoms are speculated to have been in existence in the lowland plain now known as Terai or Madhesh at present.

Modern period of the Nepalese history begins with the Nepal invasion of the then Gorkha's King Prithvi Narayan Shah under Expansion Campaign of his Kingdom of Gorkha. He annexed the valley kingdoms and further expanded it far and wide. The campaign was continued by his successor warriors. The feudal Empire of Gorkha reached Tibet plateau in the north, Ganges in the south, Kangada in the west and Tista in the east. Expansion of the British Empire in India was also stretching towards north at the same time. Both fought a long battle and a treaty of peace was made in Segowlee in 1815. The treaty annexed all Terrain land into the East India Company rule. Instead, Nepal was guaranteed indemnification of two lakhs of rupees per annum by the Company[1]. But the East India Company presented Memorandum for the approval and acceptance of the Rajah of Nepal on December 8, 1816 and it was approved by the Rajah of Nepal on December 11, 1816. This memorandum partially restores parts of the Terrain territories within Nepal instead of a yearly pension of two lakh rupees. But the memorandum includes a condition not to prosecute any of the inhabitants of the Terai after its revertance to Nepal[2]. Afterwards, the then Nepalese Rana rulers assisted the Company rule in India to suppress the mutiny of 1857. Following it, the British Government made another treaty with Nepal on November 1, 1860 reverting some more Terrain territories to Nepal. In this way the Treaty of Segowlee in 1815, Memorandum of the British Government approved by Nepal in 1816 and Treaty with Nepal in 1860 are the grounds on which the Indo-Nepal border has been fixed with the Terrain part of low land territory in Nepal till date.

All Terrain part in Nepal is named Madhyaes or Madhesh by the Nepalese rulers. It is mentioned in the first Muluki Ain (Law of the Land), 1867 (1910 B. S.). It categorizes the parts of the country as Nepal, Hill or Mountains and Madhesh. Clause 41 of the Act states:

If somebody returns his rent-free land to the government and demands for an exchange, such exchange shall be only in Nepal for land in Nepal, only in Hills or Mountains for land in Hills or Mountains and only in Madhyes for land in Madhyes so that the government gains 5 in twenty[3]... ...

Following this Law of the Land, other Acts, also followed defining our territory as Madhesh. Not only this, there had also been a separate Act called Madhesh Goshwara Ain (General Act for Madhesh), 2012 B. S. in effect for Madhesh only.

Certainly, Terai is a kind of geographical division of the crust of the earth. It is low land where hills end and plain land starts to stretch. That's why, the British Empire mentioned our territory as Terai in the treaties. But the Terai as our habitat is part of Majhjhim Desh or Madhya Desh 'Middle Country' as mentioned in Vinaya Pitaka[4] by Lord Buddha, born in the same territory. It covers the area as following:

The Southern country and Avanti has but few Bhikkhus. I allow the Upasampada (ordination) in border countries to be held in a meeting of only four Bhikkhus, beside the Chairman, who must be a Vinaya-Dhar.

In this passage the following are the border countries referred to. To the East is the town Kajangala, and beyond it Mahasala. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle Country. To the South-East is the river Salavati. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle Country. To the South is, the town Setakannika. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle Country. To the West is the Brahmin district of Thuna. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle Country. To the North is the Mountain range called Usiraddhaja. Beyond that is border country; this side of it is the Middle Country (The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XVII, Mahavagga V page 38: Cited from Partantra Madhesh aur Uski Sanskrit by Raghunath Thakur)

In this way, Madhesh is the Terrain territory in Nepal with its cultural entity of Gangetic plain known as Madhya Desh in Buddhist Era. But Madhesh and Madheshis are the only subject of ill-treatment or contempt by the Khas-Hill rulers.

In the modern history the aristocracy of monopoly monarchy and the Rana family rule prolonged till 1951 revolution. Constitutional monarchy was established but again it turned into dictatorial monarchy in 1960. Constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy were restored in 1990. But monarchy again made efforts to turn into a dictatorship and it was abolished in 2008. Consequently, we have now been citizens of Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal.

Certainly, Nepalese history records a number of changes in its ruling system. But the state hegemony still can be categorized as patriarchal Khas-Hindu ruling elite. It is obvious that the women by sex, non-Khas by race or ethnicity, non-Hindu by faith as well as down-trodden or Dalits by Hindu caste system are only subjects of suppression in the Republic.

1. 3.    Madhesh and Madheshi Women

Following Memorandum of British Empire signed by Nepal in 1816 and the Treaty between the two Empires in 1860, the Gangetic plains with populace under the Madhyadeshiya culture was partitioned into separate sovereignties: India and Nepal. The Nepalese royal rulers named the land as Madhesh and the inhabitants as Madheshi. Thus Madhesh and Madheshis are almost identical with the populace of the Indian provinces of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal. Politically we are partitioned but our cultural affinity doesn't accept any alienate factions between us. Same is the case of Madheshi women in Nepal.

No doubt, Madheshi society is traditionally a closed Aryan society with practice of South Asian patriarchy. But due to open foreign employment, they have now been enjoying role of decisive guardianship in family, ownership of static and non-static properties, urbanization, etc. Still they have to march long to establish a prosperous human civilization free of experiences of either patriarchy or matriarchy.

1. 4.    Sufferings of Madheshis

Historically, geographically and politically we are introduced as integrated part of Nepal. But our experience reveals that Madhesh was only annexed as part of Nepal, not the Madheshis. Moreover, Madheshis also experienced compulsion of passport for entering into the Kathmandu capital valley till late 50s of the last century.

It is not the case that we didn't contribute for political changes in Nepal. Madheshi populace including men and women equally took part in all political struggles, but in vain. It is so because by language, by dress, by food habits, by life-style and by all means; Madheshis do not fall in the state category of the alien Khas ruling elites. So, they have been outright rejected from entertaining any law or constitution of the country. The republican democratic state is still following the same hegemony. No doubt, the whole state machinery of Nepal is a patriarchy but the ruling elite feminist leadership is another hierarchical barrier for Madheshi women to break into pieces.

1. 5.    Feminist Movements and New Efforts of Statelessness for Madheshis

The feminist movement in Nepal is obviously under the grip of ruling Khas-elite women. They are trying their level best to suppress the Madheshi women and their new-borns with a new gift of statelessness. Categorically, the scenario can be interpreted in the following points concisely.

5.1    Women's Organizations and their participation in political movements

The Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal are the preliminary revolutionary political organizations in Nepal. Immediately after the organizations came into existence, their women's organizations also came on the arena to fight for democracy in general and against patriarchy in particular. They took part in armed revolution in 1950-51 and the movements for democracy after the royal coup in 1960. Their active participation was observed in student movements and referendum in 1979-81, joint popular movement in 1990, the ten-year people's war since 1996 and the second joint popular movement in 2006. The women's participation has been observed significant in other political movements even till date.

5.2    Madhesh Rebellion and Madheshi Women

The ten-year people's war and the second joint popular movement contributed to uproot monarchy from Nepal. Besides, the struggles had established federalism and proportionate representation of populace of all sorts of identities in the state machinery. But the status-quo leadership of the so-called national political parties promulgated the interim constitution without guaranteeing federalism. Their regressive mindset infuriated Madheshi populace and Madhesh rebellion came on the arena. The state machinery knelt down and federalism was assured in the interim constitution. Thus the issues of federalism and proportionate representation increased participation of Madheshi women in the state machinery, especially in the Constituent Assembly/Legislature-Parliament constituted for the first time in 2008.

5.3    Constituent Assembly and Feminists: Efforts of genocide against Madheshis

The elections for the Constituent Assembly were due since 1951 and held first in 2008. The participation of women in the first constituent assembly of Nepal was about one-third of the total seats, though the female populace in Nepal is more than half of the total population. But following the second elections of the Constituent Assembly, the women's participation has deteriorated to be shrunk to 29 percent among which their strength in the directly elected under First Past The Post (FPTP) process is only 4 percent. Under the proportionate representation, the Khas-hegemonic conventional major political parties have selected Khas-women or hill-born women instead of Madheshi women both the times. But none of the feminist leadership has raised voice against the injustice with Madheshi women.

5.3.1   Mis-interpretation of Identity

There are some titles common with the Khas-Hill and Madheshi populace such as Tiwari, Tripathy, Raut, Pandey, Giri, Puri, Bharati and so on. The status-quo political leaders, high-ranking bureaucrats and even judges have been found to mis-interpret the identity one-sidedly. Till now no Madheshi women have claimed to be identified as Khas-Hill inhabitants but several of the Khas-Hill women have claimed to be identified as Madheshi women. The state machinery is with them and the verdict is being given against Madheshis. A Khas-Hill woman, Radhika Giri, a few years ago was confirmed as Madheshi woman by the Supreme Court to confirm her appointment in Government job as a Madheshi woman.

In the first constituent assembly, Hasina Miya and Sharada Kumal, both of them non-Madheshi Hill-born women were recommended by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) as Madheshi women for proportionate seats in the assembly.

5.3.2   Misuse of intermarriage

The mostly violated case in Nepal is the misuse of the inter-communal marriage. If a Khas-Hill-born woman marries a Madheshi, she is identified as Madheshi within no time. Her new identification is also accepted by her in-laws without any objection. These days, such women are representing Madheshi women in the constituent assembly and elsewhere in the state machinery.

Soniya Rana turned Yadav, Pateeksha Tiwari turned Mukhiya, Kamala Pandey turned Mahato and so on are the living examples of Khas-Hill-born women representing Madheshi ones in the constituent assembly of Nepal.

But conversely, Madheshi women like Jwala Sah turned Bajagain, Nisha Sah turned Aryal, Anjana Chaudhary turned Khatri did not get opportunity to represent Khas-Arya community in the constituent assembly even after the inter-communal marriage with that ruling ethnicity. They only represented their parental identity as Madheshi women even after inter-communal marriage.

Such activities of genocide against Madhesh and Madheshis have been committed by the so-called Communist Parties in Nepal on its maximum.

5.3.3   Citizenship Bill in the Constituent Assembly

One of the worst acts of genocide against Madheshis was staged in the constituent assembly in terms of the Citizenship Bill. There are two categories of citizenship in Nepal: progeny and adopted. Adopted citizens are barred from contributing in his/her capacity as head of the state, government, judiciary, legislature and any kind of constitutional bodies. Till now the foreign citizens are eligible to be adopted as Nepalese citizens following their 15-year abode in Nepal as the first condition among others. Besides, the foreign women married to the Nepalese citizens are immediately adopted Nepalese citizens following the marriage.

But the Citizenship Bill in the constituent assembly brought by the so-called Nepalese feminist women tried to turn the whole set up backward. The Bill had provisions for adopted citizenship for all foreign nationals both men and women only after their 15-year abode in Nepal. The ill-mindset of the Ruling Khas-elite women was to bar Madheshis for marital relationship with their identical races and ethnicities living in the bordering provinces of India.

Besides, the ongoing practice of adopted Nepalese citizenship is only limited to those who are foreign nationals but not for their Nepalese-born children because the Nepalese-born children are constitutionally the Nepalese citizens in progeny. Conversely, the Citizenship Bill brought in the constituent assembly tried to identify all Nepalese nationals as adopted citizens if any of their parents are adopted citizens of Nepal.

Though the bill could not take shape due to protest of Madheshi CA members, both male and female, the threat is still at the place as the current constituent assembly has almost anti-Madheshi composition.

5.4    Threats of Statelessness

The instances cited here suggest that the Madheshi populace, both men and women, are under threats of statelessness by all means of the state machinery in Nepal. The Khas-elite hill-born Nepalese rulers have still been above law and constitution of the Republic. For instance, a number of so-called academicians, politicians and bureaucrats belonging to their race have easily been enjoying citizenship in progeny of Nepal. Recently a sizable number of the Bhutanese refugees have been availed with Nepalese citizenship by Nepal authorities but millions of Madheshis have still been barred from such fundamental rights. Besides, the new attempts are in efforts to gift statelessness to Madheshi populace, the international marital status is being made objectionable in the new constitution. It is specifically to affect our cultural affinity with bordering Indian populace.

5.5    Misinterpretation of Integration and Sovereignty

In the light of the ill-motive biasness with Madheshis, integration and sovereignty are also misinterpreted as if the so-called Khas-elites are the only synonymous to Nepalese identity. But the so-called mainstream of the feminist movement in Nepal is either silent or contributing negatively to a kind of non-violent genocide against Madheshis.

1. 6.    Recommendations

As the new constitution building process is in progress in Nepal, it must not be regressive. A progressive constitution must assure the following:

(a)    Identity based federalism with right to self-determination and provisions of compensation for Madheshi men and women.

(b)   Complete proportionate participation of all sex, caste and creed and in Nepalese state affairs.

(c)    Federal judicial system.

(d)   Complete proportionate election system.

(e)    No constitutional provisions against any international marital affairs.

(f)    Identification of progeny on the basis of birth, not otherwise.

(g)   A multilingual secular state policy.

1. 7.    Conclusion

This gathering can contribute invaluably for the womankind worldwide. No doubt, the specific problems in Nepal are ours, but if explored well, elsewhere can also be observed. Therefore, the Indian feminism should take initiatives to contribute in favour of all women in the world but specifically for those who are neglected or plotted genocide in gamut of the feminism itself.

I can thank Dr. Ram Narayan Tiwari among others with special regards to all the organizers of this seminar.

References:

Name List of Members of the Constituent Assembly. 2008. Kathmandu: Secretariat of the Constituent Assembly/Legislature Parliament, Nepal.

Name List of Members of the Constituent Assembly. 2014. Kathmandu: Secretariat of the Constituent Assembly/Legislature Parliament, Nepal.

Pandey, Binda (Convener). 2009. Citizenship Bill, A Report of the Subject-wise Concept Paper and Preliminary Draft, Committe for Determination of Fundamental Rights and Guiding Principles, Constituent Assembly, 2008, Kathmandu: Secretariat of the Constituent Assembly/Legislature Parliament, Nepal.

Thakur, Raghunath. 1958. Partantra Madhesh aur Uski Sanskriti (Dependent Madhesh and its Culture), Dr. Mahanand Thakur.

Verdict for Identification of Radhika Giri. 2011. Kathmandu: Supreme Court, Nepal.

Verma, Dhirandra. 1959. Madhya Desh : Aitihasik tatha Sanskritik Sinhawalokan (Middle Country : A Historical and Cultural Retrospect), Patna : Bihar-Rastrabhasha-Parishad.

1. 1.       Entrance to the Subject

Nepal is a multi-lingual country. There are 92+ languages and 100+ ethnicities in the small Himalayan country. There were a number of city states with distinct lingual and cultural identities in the past, in the present day Nepal, as elsewhere in the globe. Since the Khas Shah Gorkha King Prithvi Narayan invaded, conquered and annexed the then tiny kingdoms into his Gorkha Empire, the situation changed. The Khas community, that includes the ousted Shah royal rulers as well as Ranas and the leaders of the existing political parties claiming nationwide network, declared their mother tongue 'Khas Kura' as Nepali. Later on, the whole Nepalese nationality was made synonymous to the language, costume, lifestyle and culture merely adopted by this ruling class Khas community, no matter, whoever was the ruler; either the Shah king or Rana Premier or even the prime minister as a leader of a political party in democracy. Coincidently, the struggle for linguistic inclusion also continued. Initially sufferings, suppressions and casualties were high towards the ruled class Nepalese nationals. Innumerable books written in non-Nepali languages were burned. Many people were killed and imprisoned. Even the royal fans were also among them. A great culmination occurred in 1990 following the restoration of democracy. All the languages spoken in Nepal were declared National Languages whereas only Nepali secured official status overall. But during this democratic rule with a written constitution and sufficient acts, the Supreme Court again gave verdict to continue ban on the non-Nepali languages to be used officially even on the local levels. Again following the Popular Movement in 2006, the formation of the current Constituent Assembly ousted monarchy and is proceeding to write a new constitution at present. Committee for Determination of the Bases for Cultural and Social Solidarity is the authorized body for recommending the language provisions in the new constitution and has already tendered its concept paper with a preliminary draft for the constitution regarding language management. The paper will highlight the language politics in Nepal in terms of official language vs. others in past and present briefly.

1. 2.       Historical Background

When we go through the history, the present day Nepal is found to be scattered in a number of rural kingdoms both in the mountains and hills as well as in the plain low land known as Madhesh or Terai. The current shape of Nepal took place only following the 1816 Sugauli Treaty between the then British India and Nepal. In this way the history of Nepal can easily be particularized into two periods: (i) Ancient and Medieval Period; and (ii) Modern period.

            Ancient and Medieval Period (Pre-historic-1769 AD)

The ancient period of the Nepalese history begins with the kings of Gopal (cow-herders) and Mahishpal or Abhir (buffalo-herders) dynasty feudal rulers. Likewise, Kiranti, Som and Lichchhavi dynasty feudal rulers come in the first phase and the Mallas in the second and last phase of the medieval period of the Nepalese history. Nepal is itself used for only the present day Kathmandu valley and surroundings during this period. A comprehensive history of all the other feudal states of that time is still very little known. So, the status of the official languages is the subject of exploration till now. Besides these, the rulers in the Nepal valley in this period mainly belong to either Aryan of Kiranti races. At the same time some Aryan rulers have also been depicted as scholars of Sanskrit. So, there can be speculation of Sanskrit and Kiranti languages in official practice in this period.

Moreover, there has been existence of some kingdoms of Aryans as well as Tibetan or Mongolian tribes in other parts of Nepal both in hills and mountains and in Terai those days. Khasan, Magarat, Tamuwan, Tamsaling, Kirant and Limbuwan in hills and mountains as well as Koch, Mithila, Bhojpur and Awadh kingdoms are speculated to have been in existence in the lowland plain now known as Terai or Madhesh at present. In this way there can be speculation of at least the major languages known as Khas, Magar, Tamu, Tamang, Kirant (Rai) and Limbu in hills and mountains as well as Rajbanshi, Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi in Terai/Madhesh in this period for the respective tribes or kingdoms. They mainly belong to Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman groups of the Indo-European and Sino-Tibetan families of languages. They also might have status of the official language in the respective states. In addition to these, there has been written history of Malla period in the Nepal (Kathmandu) valley having Sanskrit, Newar and Maithili as languages in official use.

            Modern Period (1769 A.D.-)

Modern period of the Nepalese history begins with the Nepal invasion of the then Gorkha's King Prithvi Narayan Shah under Expansion Campaign of his Kingdom of Gorkha. He annexed the valley kingdoms and further expanded it far and wide. The campaign was continued by his successor warriors. The empire kingdom of Gorkha reached Tibet plateau in the north, Ganges in the south, Kangada in the west and Tista in the east. Expansion of the British Empire in India was also stretching towards north at the same time. Both fought a long battle and a treaty was made in Sugauli in 1816 as latest for the Indo-Nepalese border till date. This period can also be categorized as:

(a)     Shah Rule (1769-1846)

(b)     Rana Regime (1846-1951)

(c)     Democracy under Constitutional Monarchy (1951-1960)

(d)     Panchayat Regime of Dictatorial Monarchy (1960-1990)

(e)     Democracy and Constitutional Monarchy (1990-2005)

(f)      Gyanendra's Dictatorship and Fall of Monarchy (2005-2008)

(g)     Interim Federal Democratic Republic (2008-)

            Shah Rule (1769-1846)

The Shah Dynasty feudal rulers belong to Khas race and their language is also Khas Kura (language). Following the invasion and annexation of the Nepal valley, in 1769, the Gorkha Kingdom was extended far and wide until the war and Sugauli treaty with British India in 1816. There are no traces of clear language policy these days. But some events suggest that the intention of the then rulers was to eliminate other languages than the Khas one:

• Promotion of Sanskrit Language as vernacular of the literary works
• Promotion of the Khas language as vernacular of the state
• Promotion of the Gandharva performing art in terms of folksongs in Khas language for the sake of the expansion of the Gorkha Kingdom
• Decree of Rana Bahadur Shah to ban script other than Devanagari[1]
• Efforts by Khas scholars to suggest rulers  ban use of other languages than Khas or Gorkha language for its expansion[2]
• Translation of Ramayana in Khas/Gorkha language by Bhanubhakta

There was no concrete written constitution or acts in this period. The declaration and decree of the rulers and government agency had to be the last for public to obey. The brief acts of the state depict Sanskrit to be declined but still in use, Khas/Gorkha language is being promoted and other languages are at verge of exclusion and suppression together with their respective scripts.

            Rana Regime (1846-1951)

Rana Regime begins with the Kot Massacre led by Jang Bahadur Rana in 1846. The Shah Kings are made prisoner unofficially. As Ranas themselves belong to Khas race and close relatives of the Shah rulers, they continue Shah Monarchy on the throne and reign in their hands. Therefore, the linguistic strategy gets no change by Ranas, rather they consolidate Sanskritization and Hinduization in culture and religion and Khasization in terms of new baptism as Nepalization in the domains of use of language. Their acts of consolidating Khas/Gorkha language and pushing other languages out can be outlined as follows:

• A decree by Janga Bahadur in 1854 completely bans use of languages other than Khas/Gorkha officially.
• Gorkha Bhasha Prakashini Samiti (Gorkha Language Publication Committee) formed to promote Gorkha Language in 1913 (1970 BS)
• Around 30 thousand scriptures of Indigenous Nationalities about their languages, culture, religion, etc. burned to ashes under leadership of Ram Mani Acharya Dixit as an employee in Gorkha Bhasha Prakashini Samiti[3]
• Documents written in non-Khas/Gorkha languages banned to be used as evidence in courts by decree of the Rana Regime in 1921 (Shrawan 29, 1978 BS)[4]
• Gorkha Bhasha Prakashini Samiti was changed into Nepali Bhasha Prakashini Samiti (Nepali Language Publication Committee) by Bal Krishna Shumsher Jang Bahadur Rana (Later known as Bal Krishna Sama) in 1933 (1990 BS)
• Kabikeshari (Poet) Chittadhar Hriday, Poet Siddhi Charan Shrestha and Phatte Bahadur Singh imprisoned[5] for their publication in Nepal Bhasha (Newar language) in 1940 (1997 BS) and Lalsor Sendang fled to Sikkim for asylum in his crime to educate Limbus in his localities
• For the first time, all legislative proceedings declared to be launched only in Nepaly by Article 44 of the first constitution of Nepal known as 'Government of Nepal Act, 1948 (2004 BS)'[6]
• Madheshis compelled to have passport to enter the capital city on the linguistic background as they don't use Nepali either as mother tongue or as lingua franca traditionally

The outline of autocratic Rana Regime depicts a ban on education as a whole and at the same time scared of the power of languages. There might be any conspiracy and revolt by the people in other languages as flattery of the regime had also been made legal only through Gorkha Bahasha Prakashini Samiti as name of the very Khas language was baptized into Gorkha language and then into Nepali language. So, Gorkha Bhasha Prakashini Samiti was also baptized as Nepali Bhasha Prakashini Samiti. At last the Rana Regime banned other languages constitutionally in 1948. The mentality of the Khas rulers is quite clear they nepalized their identity and denepalized others by so-called standardization of their language as the symbol of feudal nationality.

            Democracy under Constitutional Monarchy (1951-1960)

Political organizations such as Praja Parishad, Nepali Democracy Congress, Nepali National Congress, Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal came into existence following the Martyrdom of Dharma, Dhasharath, Shukra and Gangalal in 1997 BS. The formation of Nepali Congress merging Nepali Democracy Congress and Nepali National Congress launched revolution in 1950 and halted following a compromise in Delhi in 1951. The event culminated the Nepalese history with decline of the 104 year Rana Regime. King Tribhuvan declared an interim constitution in 1951. The events of linguistic significance these days are as follows in brief:

• No clear linguistic provisions in the Nepal Interim Government Act, 1951 but provisions of taking oath of office and secrecy by legislators with ministers, deputy ministers and ministers of state under First Schedule composed in Nepali[7]
• Public Census launched for the first time in 1952-54
• Existence of 44 languages accepted in the census
• News and Programs launched by Radio Nepal in Hindi and Newar  except Nepali
• National Education Commission formed for the first time in 1956
• Recommendation of the Commission against fostering languages other than Nepali[8]
• Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1959 launched declaring Nepali as the only National language[9]in Article 70
  • Both the constitutions formalize His Majesty's Government instead of the earlier practice of Government of Nepal

The short description of events depicts the Constitutional Monarchy emerging as in its earlier strength. Radio Nepal starts multilingualism in Nepalese context. But the constitutions, acts and recommendations of the Education Commission only hinder the practice of multilingualism in the country. This is the period that starts linguistic discrimination even in democracy in terms of official language vs. others.

            Panchayat Regime of Dictatorial Monarchy (1960-1990)

Constitutional Monarchy of Shah Dynasty in lust of power toppled the people's elected government, dissolved parliament and launched a so-called Panchayat system of guided democracy in 1960. King Mahendra launched another constitution in 1962. The expectations of multilingualism, though not formally, again turned into monolingualism. All political institutions were banned together with all kinds of social and linguistic organizations. The events of linguistic significance can be depicted as follows:

v  Constitution of Nepal, 1962 launched with provision of the only Nepali language as the National Language[10] in Article 4

v  News in Hindi and Newari dropped by Radio Nepal

v  Slogan of 'One King One Country, One Language One Costume' came into existence and extremely materialized

v  Planning for National Education System launched

v  Textbook practice in Hindi eliminated

v  Efforts of fostering languages and literature other than in Nepali severely crushed

v  Founder of Nepal Bhojpuri Society Pandit Deep Narayan Mishra emprisoned in 1973 for his crime to publish a souvenir to mark then King's Birthday in Bhojpuri, and this paper presenter in 1984 for staging a drama in Bhojpuri

v  Linguistic Survey of Nepal launched(1981-1984) and halted due to monolingual dictatorial attitude of the Panchayat regime

v  Informal practice of translation method teaching for non-Nepali mother tongue speakers spied and punished severely

v  Following a big set-back in 1979-80 student movement and public-opinion launched in 1981, a short weekly program 'Phulbari' for folksongs in non-Nepali languages launched by Radio Nepal

v  Efforts of establishing Central Department of Linguistics neglected but Linguistic Society of Nepal established

v  Public Census collection continued in 1961, 1971 and 1981 shrinking number of languages in Nepal to 36, 17 and 18 respectively

This was a golden period for Nepali language and literature, though in favour of feudalism, had been the dark period for other mother tongue speakers. Suppression of hilly and mountainous non-Nepali languages brought them almost at verge of extinction and the Madheshi languages such as Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Tharu, Danuwar, Rajbanshi and others were extremely influenced by Nepali as a large portion of Nepali mother tongue speakers were rehabilitated in Madhesh around the East-West Highway passing through dense forest of Madhesh as well as the vernacular of instructions in education became Nepali in this period. Innumerable arrests and executions were made by the monarchy due to violation of the so-called National language. Tamangs and other indigenous nationalities in hills and mountains are thought to be higher among others in linguistic sufferings.

            Democracy and Constitutional Monarchy (1990-2005)

Where there is suppression, there is revolt. The Nepalese people also came to unite and launched struggle against Panchayat system in 1990 through a popular movement. King Birendra knelt down and lifted ban on the political parities. The Multi-Party Democracy was restored in the country. Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was launched. Some other changes also occurred in Multi-Party Democracy but the leaders of the political parties seemed to be reluctant to foster linguistic change in the country as majority of them belongs to the very Khas community. A brief account of linguistic significance is as follows:

• Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 launched with provisions of language of the nation and national languages of Nepal in article 6[11] as well as cultural and educational rights in article 18[12]
• Public census collected in 1991 and 2001 stretching number of languages into 32 and 92 respectively.
• Formation of National languages policy Recommendation Commission and dissemination of its report
• News and programs launched in one and half a dozen languages in Radio Nepal
• Some tele-serials in non-Nepali national languages launched in Nepal Television
• Curriculum and Textbooks prepared by Curriculum Development Centre of the then Ministry of Education and Sports in a number of national languages
• Reference materials formulated in some national languages
• Central Department of Linguistics launched in Tribhuvan University in 1995
• Newar in Kathmandu Metropolitan City and Maithili in Rajbiraj Municipality and Dhanusha District Development Committee declared additional official languages under Local Self-Governance Act, 1999 Clause 96(e)2[13] and 189(l)3[14]
• The official multilingualism banned again by Joint bench of Justices Krishna Bahadur Raymajhi and Top Bahadur Singh in the Supreme Court on Jyestha 18, 2056 BS (1999 AD)
• No further legislation or law passed by parliament though strong language rights activism declared Jyestha 18 as a Black Day
• Practice of multilingualism in Radio Nepal limited to translation from Nepali
• Practice of multilingualism in curriculum and textbooks not materialized
• Khas only recruited as academicians and employees for representing even non-Nepali languages
• Non-Khas not recognized yet for working in Nepali languages

Though this period seems a bit better than the past, high nepotism in favour of Nepali language continued in practice giving no room for non-Nepali mother-tongue speakers in state mechanism. Madheshis were found maximum suppressed during this period and felt excluded and marginalized among others.

            Gyanendra's Dictatorship and Fall of Monarchy (2005-2008)

Following the royal massacre of the then King Birendra's whole family, Gyanendra became the king in 2001. Because of the short-sightedness of the political parties, especially of the Nepali Congress as the ruling party at that time, he dissolved parliament, formed some puppet governments and at last declared state of emergency and took power by himself. There is nothing to say about this period about language politics as a song he composed was being played innumerable times a day by almost all audio-visual media that prohibits speaking languages other than Nepali[15]. He tried his level best to rematerialize his dictator father Mahendra's policy of 'One King One Country, One Language One Costume'.

            Interim Federal Democratic Republic (2008-)

King Gyanendra's autocratic feudal dictatorship could not last long. He faced a joint people's movement II and stepped down within 19 days of public revolt launched jointly by a Seven Party Alliance backed by the then CPN (Maoist) emerging as a revolutionary force launching a decade long armed struggle with a vision of Federal Republic of Nepal with recognition of all ethnicities and languages of Nepal. King Gyanendra reinstated House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament. The parliament cut-short power of the king, suspended monarchy and turned itself into legislature-parliament to include Maoists into legislature. A Comprehensive Peace Accord was declared and the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 was launched. The election of the Constituent Assembly took place in 2008. The Constituent Assembly is still working both as a constitution writing body as well as the legislature. Some events in this current period of linguistic significance are here as follows:

ü  Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007 launched with recognition of all languages spoken in Nepal in Article 5[16] declaring them as National languages but only Nepali the official one.

ü  Rights of language and culture declared as fundamental rights in Article 17[17]

ü  Provision of taking oath for CA members in their mother tongues

ü  Provision of taking oath for President and Vice-President is still only in Nepali as per the Schedule 1A[18] under Article 36(f) and 36(i)2

ü  Oath in Hindi by Vice-President dismissed by Supreme Court with his activities defunct till he takes oath again in Nepali

ü  Committee for Determination of the Bases for Cultural and Social Solidarity under the Constituent Assembly authorized to look after the language management in the new constitution

ü  The preliminary draft of the Committee already submitted and discussed in the Constituent Assembly

ü  Provision for state to promote social solidarity through guaranteeing social, cultural and linguistic rights …

ü  To guarantee basic education in mother tongue

ü  To guarantee all communities to preserve, promote and use the their script their scripts and languages

ü  To guarantee cultural and linguistic equality

ü  To guarantee linguistic, communal and cultural harmony

ü  To assure affirmative action for endangered languages

ü  To declare all languages spoken in the country as National Languages

ü  Right to Brail Script for blind and to Sign language for deaf and dumb

ü  Nepali in Devanagari Script as the official lg of the federal government with provisions for other languages to be official language as per recommendation made by Language Commission and ratified by the legislature

ü  Official language(s) of the federal government to be official language nationwide in addition to the language(s) declared official as per the ascent by the provincial legislature both for the provincial and local governments

ü  At least one of the provincial official languages can be the lingua franca between province and the federation if the provincial government needs so.

ü  Within a year of the promulgation of the new constitution the Language Commission proposed to be formed and within five years of its formation the recommendation for additional official languages to be tendered for the first time

ü  Divisions or branches of the Language Commission to be established at provinces as per requirements and permission by the federal government

ü  Federal official language(s) to be the language of judiciary but nobody can be hindered to use respective mother tongue to express claim and pain

ü  Translation copy of the documents in official language(s) to be kept by the judiciary and other state machineries but the original ones would be authentic if any row occur

ü  In case of certain document prepared simultaneously in multiple languages, the Nepali language in Devanagari script would be authentic.

ü  A bill for 7^th amendment regarding oath of President, Vice-president and others in the respective mother tongues under discussion in the legislature

These are the scenario of the present day language politics in Nepal. Discussions for and against the provisions recommended by the respective committee are still on both in the Constituent Assembly and elsewhere in Nepal. Besides, the state machinery of Nepal is still monolingual and political parties reluctant to practice multilingualism.

1. 3.       Summary

The small but diverse Himalayan Republics is multilingual from time immemorial but the rulers, especially from the Shah regime, till now have been either against non-Nepali languages or at least reluctant to practice it in case multi-lingualism is accepted legally. In addition to this reluctance some extremisms have also occurred these days such as Pro-Nepali and Anti-Nepal, Pro-Hindi and Anti-Hindi, Pro-Tibetan and Anti-Tibetan, Pro-Madhesh and Anti-Madhesh, ultra federalist and anti-federalist and so on. The moderate view has maximum probability to sustain as it accepts plurality. But the plurality has also limitations not to reach nihilism through extreme pleading for individualism.

1. Recommendations

On the basis of the findings above a few recommendations can be made:

(a)     Concrete language policy has to be formulated and brought under effect in New Nepal.

(b)     Federalism can be only means but not the goal to address inclusion.

(c)     Linguistic diversity is asset for Nepal, not the burden. So it can be materialized carefully.

(d)     Political leadership must throw out short-sightedness.

(e)     There is no room for extremism to negate one in favour of the others.

(f)      Linguistic diversity is the outcome of the bio-diversity. Therefore linguistic harmony must be recognized and maintained to preserve bio-diversity.

(g)     Multilingualism is motto of the present day world; let's build up togetherness and global fraternity through its competent management.

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Mahadevsthan-7, Kathmandu

January 2, 2010

-    गोपाल ठाकुर

भरतराम के बहुत दिन के सपना साकार भइल । पार्टी के एगो बड़का नेताजी उनका अनुरोध पर उनका क्षेत्र में भ्रमण पर अइलें । भरत के डेङ ओह दिन भुइयाँ में ना रहे । पड़ित कइसे ? बरिसन का बाद उनकर सपना साकार भइल रहे ।

भरतराम अपना पार्टी के एगो प्रतिबद्ध कार्यकर्ता बाड़न । ओइसे त जिले के नेता बाड़न बाँकिर केंद्र में उनकर पहुँच जबरदस्त बा । स्वाभाविक बा, उनकर एगो बड़की तमन्ना रहे केहू केंद्रीय नेता के अपना इहाँ लेआके भ्रमण करावे के । बाँकिर उनकर घर जिला के सदरमोकाम से कुछ दूर-दराज में पड़ला से  बहुत दिन से ई संभव ना होत रहे । बड़ा मोसकिल से बहुत दिन के परिश्रम का बाद पार्टी के एगो बड़का नेताजी भरत के आग्रह स्वीकार कइलन । कार्यक्रम बनल ओह साल फागुन में । स्वाभाविक बा, फागुन महिना हिंदू लोग खातिर लगन के महिना होला । एह से भरतराम के कुछ साथी लोग के तरफ से नेताजी के भ्रमण कार्यक्रम फगुआ के बाद राखेके आग्रह भइल । बाँकिर भरतराम के बात, मानीं लछुमन रेखा रहे । एक बेर कहा गइल त कहा गइल । नेताजी के कार्यक्रम फागुने में तय भइल से भइल ।

नेताजी राजधानी से सिमरा एअरपोर्ट पर उतरलें । भरतराम के कमांड में चरचकवा से लेके दूचकवा तकले दर्जनो गाड़ी गोएँ-गोएँ करत नेताजी के अगुवानी करे खातिर तइयार रहे । नेताजी के एगो पजरो में लेके ‘नेताजी जिन्दावाद !’ के नारा लगावत ऊ हुजुम रैली में पहुँचल । नेताजी के भव्य स्वागत भइल । ओइसे नेताजी के कद त आम लोग से लमहरे रहे, तइओ उनकरा गर में परल माला से नेताजी कए बेरा तोपा-तोपा जात रहलन । किसान के गाँव, किसान कार्यकर्ता आ किसान के नेता; अब का चाहीं ! लोग के हर्ष के सीमा ना रहल । हँ, ई अलग बात रहे कि नेताजी कहिओ के किसान ना रहस । एतने ना, ऊ जवना पहाड़ से मधेश में आइल रहस, चटाइओ भर जमीन खेती जोगे देखले ना रहस । बाँकिर का करतें ! मधेश में पार्टी के जिम्वारी आ किसान के पार्टी भइला से हो गइलन किसान नेता ।

रैली कइअन गाँव आ बाजार के परिक्रमा कके एगो स्कूल में पहुँचके आमसभा में बदलल । अलिशान मंच लागल रहे । लोग के हुजुम त मेला से कम ना रहे । मंच पर भरतराम फूलके बेङ हो गइल रहलें । आपन एगो झोरढोअवा के कह देलन मंच संचालन करेके । मंच पर जिला से लेके केंद्रीय स्तर के नेतन के ढेह लाग गइल । भाषण के कार्यक्रम आगे बढ़े लागल ।

किसान आंदोलन के गुनगान भइल । मुखलाल महतो के शहादत के बखान भइल । दिवंगत किसान नेता हरिहरजी के निष्ठा के बखान भइल । देवनारायण साह के बखान भइल । ओह क्षेत्र के जनता के बखान भइल । राष्ट्रीय-अंतरराष्ट्रीय परिस्थिति के बखान भइल । सर्वहारा वर्ग के हित के बात भइल । गाँव स्तर से केंद्र स्तर तक के, भगिनी संगठन से पार्टी तक के हर कार्यकर्ता से नेता तक के लोग के मंच मिलल, बाँकिर भरतराम के इशारा पर नाचेवाला के भा भरत के अपना इशारा पर नचावेवाला के मात्रे । ई अलग बात रहे के जेतना बोलेवाला लोग रहे, औपचारिकता से अधिक कुछियो ना कहे सकल । काहे कि नेताजी खातिर समय छोड़े के बात रहे । स्वाभाविक रहे औपचारिकता में लोग नेताजी के अनेकानेक शब्द से विभूषित करत गइल ।

प्रमुख अतिथि नेताजी के समय अंत में मिलल । नेताजी के वक्तव्य सुरू भइलः

‘ई देश किसान के ह । इहवाँ किसान के मालिक बनावेके बा । सर्वहारा के मालिक बनावेके बा । एह क्षेत्र के पैदावार बढ़ावेके बा । सामंत-पुँजीपति हमनी के देश के नरक बनाके रखले बा । सामंतशाही आ पुँजीवाद के नाश करेके बा । लोकतांत्रिक गणतंत्र के समाजवाद में बदलेके बा । एह क्षेत्र के जनता के परिश्रम के हम कायल बानी । एह लोग के संघर्ष के सलाम करतानी । मुखलाल महतो के भावभिनी श्रद्धांजली ! हरिहरजी के अमरत्व हमरा दिल में बा । हम अपने लोग के गौरवमय इतिहास के सलाम करतानी । आवेवाला चुनाव में हमरे पार्टी के भोट देहेम लोगिन ... ... ... ।’

आखिर पार्टी के वरिष्ठ नेता रहलें । बोलत त रहलें खस-गोर्खाली भाषा में । लोग के बुझाए त नहिए । बाँकिर भरतराम के इशारा पर ताली गड़गड़ाते रहल । बीच-बीच में दू-चार शब्द के वाक्य नेताजी भोजपुरी के अङभङ कके बोलतो रहलें । एह पर त भरत के ताली के इशारा चुकित कइसे ! कबो-कबो त अइसन बुझाए जे ताली के गड़गड़ाहट से गाछ के पाता गिर जाई । बहुत गरमजोशी से नेताजी के मंचीय सम्मान मिलल । आमसभा पूरा भइल । नेताजी के रात्रि विश्राम पर बात चले लागल ।

जिला अध्यक्ष आ केंद्रीय नेता लोग के कहनाम रहल, ‘नेताजी के सदरमोकाम में चलेके पड़ी ।’

भरतराम कहलें, ‘काहे ? नेताजी आज हमरा घरे चलिहें ।’

‘गाँव में सुरक्षा के समस्या हो सकता ।’

‘कवनो दिक्कत ना होई ।’

‘जिद्ध मत करीं भरतरामजी ।’

‘अपने लोग काटभांसर मत लगाईं । हम थाना में कह चुकल बानी । कुछियो ना होई ।’

‘रिस्क काहे लेतानी ?’

‘कवनो रिस्क नइखे । नेताजी खाली शहरे में रहिहें । जहिआ आंदोलन करेके रहे तहिआ गाँव में रहनी आ अब गाँव में ना रहेम ? ई कवन बात ह ?’

आपन कार्यकर्तन के एह तरे उलझल देखके नेताजी कहलें, ‘कवनो बात नइखे । हम भरतेरामजी किहाँ चलेम । रउआ लोग चिंता मत करीं ।’

नेताजी के एतना कहला पर मामला सेट हो गइल भरतराम किहाँ रात में रहेके । पूरा दमखम का साथ हुजुम जुटल भरतराम किहाँ । अब भरतराम के खुशी के कवनो ठेकाना ना रहल । बाँकिर उनको से बेसी खुश रहे उनकर एगो युवा कार्यकरता धरमेश ।

नेताजी के सवारी पहुँचल भरतराम के दुआर पर । खानपीन के तइयारी देखके लागे जे भरतराम किहाँ उनका बेटी के बिआहे हो रहल बा । नेता-कार्यकर्ता के भोजन खातिर तिउर खनाइल बा । अन-पानी, तर-तरकारी, तेल-मसाला, कागजी प्लेट-गिलास के ढोआ-ढोई अइसन कि जइसन कवनो बड़की भोज-भात का बेरा देखे के मिलेला ।

जब नाश्ता-पानी भइल, तब धरमेश पुछलस, ‘नेताजी के सुतावेके इंतजाम कहाँ बा ?’

भरतराम कहलें, ‘एतहें बा ।’

एतना सुनते धरमेश के त छत्तर गिर गइल । बेचारा पूरा मतखाह हो गइल । फेर कहलस, ‘कहाँ ? तनी देखइबऽ ।’

भरतराम ले गइलन सभे लोग के बिछौना देखावे । चुहानी के एगो मुनहर घर में बिछौना लगावल रहे । उपर से नयाँ मछरजाली लटकावल रहे । देखके धरमेश कहलस, ‘एतना मुनहर घर, रात में चलत बिजुली के लोडसेडिङ, दूर शौचालय, ओहू में जाए-आवे में भिराह, एह से निमन त हमरे किहाँ रहित, अँजोत आ फइली ।’

भरतराम कहलें, ‘बत्ती रातभर एतहाँ रहबे करी । विद्युत प्राधिकरण में कह देले बानी । कवनो चिंता नइखे करेके ।’

धरमेश मुँह लटकवले ओतहाँ से चल देहलस ।

नेताजी से कार्यकर्ता लोग कुछ अनौपचारिक गप करे लागल । नेताजी भी बहुत खुश रहल देखावे के कोशिस त करस बाँकिर उनका चेहरा पर हुलसके खुशी के चमक आवत ना रहे । कुछ देर का बाद धरमेश फेर ओतहाँ आइल । एक-दू आदमी के कान में कहलस, ‘चलीं हमरा जवरे । हमरो घर त देख लीं ।’

उहो लोग कहलस, ‘चलऽ ।’

रास्ता में धरमेश आपन मन के व्यथा कहे लागल, ‘ई भरतो बहुते स्वार्थी बा । आज तकले जेतना छोटका नेता अइलन, सब के हमरा इहाँ खिअइलस, पिअइलस आ सुतइलस । आजु वरिष्ठ नेता के अपना इहाँ खिआवता आ सुतावता । हमरा त पूरा आशा रहल ह जे नेताजी हमरा इहाँ रहिहें ।’

‘काहे ?’

‘ई भरता कम शैतान बा ? अपना भतिजी के मटकोर के कार्यक्रम हटवाके नेताजी के अपना इहाँ रखले बा ।’

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लखनलाल भरतराम के भइआ हउअन । एगो सीधा-शादा किसान, खेती-किसानी कके गुजर वसर करेलन । उनकर बेटी के बिआह के दिन उतरल । स्वाभाविक बा, बेटी के बिआह में त तनिका बेसिए खेटेके पड़ेला । लखनो के नौ लकड़ी नौ खर्ह जोड़ही के पड़ल । उनका एह सब काम में आपन भाई भरत के बड़का भरोसा रहे । कारण ई कि भरत एगो मशहूर पार्टी के जिला नेता बा । भरतो आपन भतिजी के बिआह में भरपुर सहयोग करेके कहले रहे । ए से लखन के भरत पर तनिका बेसिए भरोसा रहल स्वाभाविक रहे ।

इहो स्वाभाविक बा केतनो पहिले दिन उतरेला, बाँकिर बितत देर महशुस ना होखे । लखनो के बेटी के बिआह के दिन लगिचाइल । मटकोर का दिने तेयारी सुरू भइल । मड़वा बनावे खातिर कागज-पतर, फूल-गूल, सत्यनारायण भगवान के पूजा खातिर केरा के थम, चौकी, चनवा आ घर के निपाइ-पोताइ होत रहे । भरत कहीं से आइल ।

लखनलाल भरत के कहलस, ‘बउआ आजु मटकोर बा । टोला-परोसा के लोग दुआर पर आके पूजा-पाट, मड़वा-मटकोर के तेयारी कर रहल बा आ तू अबगे आवताड़ऽ ।’

‘भइया तनिका पहिले ना कहे सकनी, माफ करिहऽ । तोहरा से एगो बात बा ।’

‘का बउआ ?’

‘आजु मटकोर के कार्यक्रम में ना हम रहे सकेम आ ना एतहाँ ई कार्यक्रम हो सकेला आज ?’

‘काहे ?’

‘आजु त हमरा पार्टी के वरिष्ठ नेताजी एतहाँ आ रहल बानी ।’

‘हो, त आजुए नेताजी के बोलावेके रहल ह ? आ बाबा-दादा के पाला से हमनी खरही-गाड़ बानी एतहाँ के त अब बेटी के बिआह खातिर पूजा-मटकोर कहाँ होई ?’

‘का करीं, नेताजी के दोसर दिन फुर्सत ना रहे । जहाँ तक बेटी के मटकोर-पूजा के बात बा त ले जा गोआस पर ।’

‘त तोहरा काल्हो त कहेके चाहत रहे । सब लोग के एतहाँ बोलाइओ लेनी । भोज-भात खातिर तिउरो खना गइल । जरना-काठी सब एतहाँ एकट्ठा कइले बानी । तब तू अभीन कहताड़ऽ दोसरा जगे ले जाएके । ई तोहरा शोभता ?’

‘देखऽ भइआ, हम राजनीति का पाएके केतना दुःख झेलले बानी, तोहरा थाहे बा । पार्टी, कॉमरेड आ नेता लोग से बढ़के हमरा खातिर कुछिओ नइखे । एह से ई हमर निर्णय बा जवन कवनो हालत में बदल नइखे सकत । आ तोहरा थाहे बा, हम जे कह देहेम ओह के बदले के एतहाँ केहू के कुबद नइखे । अगर बदलेम त हमही ।’

‘त का फरक पड़ जाई अगर नेता जी हमरा बेटी के मटकोर-पूजा में भी सरिक हो जाएम त ?’

‘कइसन बेहूदा बात करताड़ऽ ? नेताजी तोहरा बेटी के मटकोर-पूजा खातिर आइल बानी ?’

‘मननी उहाँका मटकोर-पूजा खातिर नइखीं आइल । बाँकिर जब आ गइनी त हमनी आ उनका खातिर त ई सौभागे के बात नु बा । बेटी त समाजो के होखेली । एह से हमरा त नइखे लागत कि नेताजी के एह कार्यक्रम से कवनो आपत्ति होई ?’

‘सुनऽ तिउर वगैरह जे खना गइल बा ओके भरल जरूरी नइखे । पचास-सय लोग उनका सङे अइबे करी । ओहू लोग के खिआवही के पड़ी । बाँकी सब तेयारी एतहाँ रोकके लेजा गोआस पर, ना त हम सब के फेंक-फाँक देहेम, बेकार में राई-छाई हो जाई । नेताजी के सवारी आ खातिरदारी का बेरा आउर कवनो किसिम के झमबाजा बजावे के कोशिस मत करऽ ।’

हरहा से दइब डेराय ! बेचारा लखनलाल का बुझस राजतंत्र आ गणतंत्र के भेद ! आपन पुस्तैनी घर से बेटी के मटकोर-पूजा खातिर बेघर हो गइलन । चल देलन सेर-खपर लेके गोआस पर ।

परिणाम स्वरूप लखनलाल आपन बेटी के मटोकोर के कार्यक्रम गोआस पर करताड़न ।

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नेता जी के खातिरदारी उल्लासमय रहल । बिहने नेताजी के बिदाइयो धूमधाम से भइल । नेताजी के बिदाई के तेयारी होत बेरा एगो बुढ़ महिला बुदबुदात रहली, ‘पता ना भरता के नेतागिरी आउर काथी-काथी देखाई ! घरवाला वन में, वनवाला घर में । का इहे ह सुराज आ गणतन्त्र ? इहे बा आगु जाए के रास्ता ?’

लावालस्कर का साथ भरत नेताजी के लेके पहुँचलन एअरपोर्ट पर । ओतहाँ एकजने नेताजी से पुछलस, ‘कहीं ना नेताजी, राती के विश्राम कइसन रहल ?’

नेताजी मुँह बनावत कहलन, ‘का कहीं ? सबकुछ बहुत बढियाँ रहल । खाली झाँड़ा फिरल अनसिर्धा रहल शौचालय के कमी से ।’

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